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Supporting Israel October 7th Impact on the west President Biden's remarks on the October 7th terrorist attacks and the resilience of the State of Israel, as found on the White House website, emphasize the strong support of the United States for Israel. In his speech, President Biden conveyed a clear message of solidarity, stating, "You are not alone. As long as the United States stands — and we will stand forever — we will not let you ever be alone." This statement underscores the enduring commitment of the U.S. to stand with Israel, particularly in the face of terrorist threats and challenges to its security and resilience. The speech reflects the deep ties between the two nations and the U.S. administration's unwavering support for Israel's safety and sovereignty. Pro-Israel rallies in Europe, and the US have gathered significant support in response to the conflict with Hamas. These rallies, often organized by Jewish communities and their supporters, have been marked by calls for peace and solidarity with Israel. In the United States, a record number of Jews rallied in Washington D.C., showing support for Israel's actions against Hamas. The rallies have been characterized by the display of Israeli flags, calls for the release of hostages, and expressions of concern for the safety of Jewish communities.Participants have emphasized the importance of standing with Israel, highlighting the nation's right to defend itself against attacks. These gatherings reflect a strong sentiment among supporters of Israel, who seek to counter the narrative of pro-Palestinian rallies and emphasize the complexities of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.The rallies also demonstrate the deep divisions in public opinion regarding the conflict, with a notable contrast between pro-Israel and pro-Palestinian perspectives. References Related Videos References References How public opinion on the Israel-Hamas war has shifted Poll indicates US public divided over support for Israel after Hamas assault Around 200,000 Rally in Washington in Support of Israel in Wake of October 7 Attack What pro-Palestinian and pro-Israeli supporters want you to know Record Number of U.S. Jews to Rally in D.C. in Show of Support for Israel's War on Hamas Remarks by President Biden on the October 7th Terrorist Attacks and the Resilience of the State of Israel and its People | Tel Aviv, Israel Reletaed Videos Related Videos The Last Line of Defense By Bari Weiss It’s not cool to support Israel Moments in life. President Biden about peace and terror Are you fighting for the rights of the Palestinian people? The game of numbers New York city marathon 2023 Load More

Cornell student Talia Dror shares her post-October 7th campus experiences. Download YouTube 2023-11-19 (#135) < Previous Next > Campus Free Speech During Israel-Hamas War Advocates and activists testified at a House Ways and Means Committee hearing on antisemitism amid the Israel-Hamas war and free speech on college campuses. Topics included safety on college campuses, funding of charities and universities, and anti-Israel rhetoric on social media. Video Transcription: Chairman Smith, ranking member Neil, and members of the Ways and Means Committee, thank you for the invitation to testify today. My name is Talia Dror. I'm a student at Cornell, studying industrial and labor relations with minors in business and legal policy. But beyond that, I am the embodiment of the American dream. I'm the child of an immigrant who fled Iran after facing religious persecution, dreaming of an America where she could openly raise a Jewish family. I grew up hearing the cautionary tales of blatant anti Semitism, how my grandfather was stabbed for being a Jew, how my mother was called a dirty Jew on a daily basis, how my family had to pretend they weren't Jewish. But I never thought the horrific antisemitism they faced would follow us to the country we fled to for refuge. 39 days ago, as I witnessed the mass rape, mutilation, and massacre committed by Hamas, my reality as a college student in the United States radically transformed. Students, professors, and administrators at Cornell celebrated the massacre of innocent civilians just five days after the heinous terror attacks. The student assembly introduced a resolution calling Hamas, quote, an armed resistance and placing full blame for the October 7 attacks on Israel. At the hearing, I spoke about the fact that the very terrorists organ endorsed by that resolution called for a global day of rage. The next day, I explained that as a Jewish student leader, my community is terrified to walk around the school they pay to attend because they are afraid of getting threatened, assaulted, or killed. Students at rallies chant genocidal phrases like, from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free. This is a chant that calls for the elimination of the State of Israel and all 7 million Jews inside of it. This is a chant that calls for a second Holocaust. Students scream antifata revolution, calling for deadly terror attacks on civilians. A Cornell professor announced that he was exhilarated and energized by the Hamas attacks, by the murder of my family and friends. On October 25, Cornell students woke up to a campus vandalized with graffiti that said, Zionism equals genocide and new antifada. That day, students walking into their classes stepped over calls for terror attacks and accusations of being genocidal for supporting the existence of the State of Israel. Cornell's administration has made firm statements on everything from Supreme Court cases to the war in Ukraine to Black Lives Matter. But in the wake of the deadliest day in Jewish history since the Holocaust, administrators have excused endorsements of terrorism under the guise of free speech. In their initial statement, they compared, quote, the loss of life in the Middle east to deaths caused by natural disasters. They allowed tensions to fester on campus, professors to use captive audiences to preach terrorist sympathies and the targeting of Jewish students on their campus. They paved the perfect path for radicalized individuals to shift calls for the murder of Jews in Israel to calls for the extermination of Jews on campus. On the morning of October 29, the Provost, in an address to concerned Jewish parents, explained that while he understands concerns for their children's physical safety, that they shouldn't be worried. Not 7 hours later, Jewish students on campus received threats that said, quote, if I see another Jew on campus, I will stab you and slit your throat. If I see another pig female Jew, I will drag you away, rape you, and throw you off a cliff. Jews are human, animal, and deserve pig's death. Liberation by any means from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free. Quote, Going to shoot up 104 west, the kosher dining Hall. Glory to Hamas. Liberation by any means necessary. That night, I sat in my locked house pondering my mortality. I knew that with my roommates and I being openly Jewish community leaders, our apartment would be one of the first targets for someone looking to actualize the threats. I thought back to the stories my mother told me growing up, how as a young child, I found so much comfort in having the privilege of being protected by a country built on the foundation of equal opportunity and individual liberty. Two days later, I got news that the threats were made by a fellow student. This wasn't far away. It was at the same school. I worked my whole life to get into the school. I invested my family's hard earned life savings to attend the school that promised me they would uphold a community of belonging. Universities have failed to uphold their self proclaimed values of equity and belonging. When it comes to Jewish students, the hypocrisy is glaring in light of horrific antisemitism. Jewish students on campus have been courageous and resilient, but we shouldn't need to be American Jewish students on campus deserve better. Thank you for the opportunity to testify. Thank thank you. Thank you for your brave testimony.

“You are studying to be social workers. Do better” Download YouTube 2023-12-10 (198) < Previous Next > Columbia university. This Israeli student is trying to explain to pro-Hamas students that they are fueled by hate instead of a sincere longing for peace 🕊 Video Transcription:

Hamas had turned the hospital into a military facility under its control, said the hospital director Download YouTube 2023-12-20 (226) < Previous Next > Ahmed Kahlot, the director of the Kamal Adwan hospital in the Jabaliya refugee camp, who was arrested last week in the Gaza Strip, admitted during the interrogation that Hamas had turned the hospital into a military facility under its control. In a statement on behalf of the IDF spokesman and the Israeli Security Agency spokeswoman, statements were published that he said were relevant to his investigation: "They are hiding in hospitals because they believe it is a safe place. The leaders of Hamas are cowards. They left us in the field while they are hiding in hiding places." Kahlot also said that "Hamas has offices inside the hospitals, and also places for senior officials. They all have private phone lines inside the hospital, and they also brought a kidnapped soldier there." Video Transcription:

"From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free" Download YouTube 2023-10-24 (#035) < Previous Next > What do you mean when you chant "From the River to the Sea, Palestine will be Free"? History lesson: it is the motto of Hamas, the genocidal terrorist group that has ruled Gaza since 2007, after Israel completely retreated in 2005. Since 1964, the slogan has embodied the motives of the PLO calling for the 57th Islamic state and completly eradicating the State of Israel in the process. And it is explicitely outlined in the Hamas charter, where article 13 says Jihad is the duty of every Muslim, and article 15 calls for the ethnic cleansing of every Jewish man, woman and child from Israel. This is not a message. It comes directly from the mouths of the Iranian Ayatollahs and Hamas and Hizbollah leaders. Every single such chant, anywhere, is an endorsement of that slaughter. Video Transcription: Coming soon

Hamas fighting from hospitals and schools Download YouTube 2023-11-09 (#097) < Previous Next > Question: What can Gazans encircled by the IDF do to leave Gaza City? Reply: Israel has opened a humanitarian corridor. Northern Gaza is dangerous because Hamas has embedded itself in people's homes and under hospitals and schools, making those legitiamate targets under international law, which states that medical units cannot be used to shield military targets. Indeed, the fact that Hamas has its headquarters in the basement of a hospital is a war crime! The hospital becomes a legitimate target once the IDF has taken every possible precaution to get civilians out of harm's way. Israel has a quarter million displaced persons because Israel wants to get them out of harm's way, just as it wants for the Palestinian civilians. The IDF does more than any army in the history of modern warfare to safeguard the civilians on the other side from the consequences of Hamas' actions which endanger their lives. Video Transcription: What. What can Gazans do who have not been able to leave Gaza City and now find themselves encircled by IDF? Israel has been continuing to operate humanitarian corridors over the last few days. And by the way, most residents of northern Gaza have heeded Israel's warning. Of the 1.1 million residents of northern Gaza, latest figures I've seen are that only 100,000 remain in the north, and that is before the humanitarian corridors of recent days. The fighting in northern Gaza is going to get dangerous. It's going to get dangerous because Hamas has literally embedded itself under people's homes, under schools, underneath hospitals, and those are all legitimate targets under international law. When Prime Minister Rishi Sunak says the UK wants Israel to win, it wants us to go after these terror targets so they can never perpetrate the massacre again. And we hope understanding of international law is that they are only targets that you can aim at as long as civilians are not in the path of those missiles and rockets. No, it's important that we're on the same page about international law. And I know that's very important for British, very important for British audiences especially. International law says that medical units may not be used under any circumstances to shield military targets. The fact that Hamas has its military headquarters in the basement of the Shifa Hospital is a war crime. Period. The next article of international law, I'm quoting additional protocol, one of the Geneva Conventions, generally taken as a fatal reflection of customary. International law says that those medical units may lose their protected status when they are used to shield military targets as long as sufficient warning has been given and every possible precaution taken to get civilians out of harm's way. It does not say that the targets underneath hospitals may only be targeted once there are no civilians in the vicinity. It says they become legitimate targets when our army has made every possible precaution to get civilians out of harm's way. And I'll remind you, it's been three weeks now that Israeli soldiers have been placing 20,000 phone calls to residents of Gaza, urging them to leave, dropping one and a half million leaflets, sending 10 million SMS. Well, from the hospitals, we understand that it is very difficult. Israel also has its own internally displaced person problem. We have a quarter of a million evacuees, including elderly people, including sick people, who've been forced to leave Nerod, who've been forced to leave Kiriad Shmona up in the north, because we want to get them out of harm's way and we want Palestinians to get out of harm's way as well. And we think that anyone in the international community genuinely concerned for civilians should be helping and encouraging that evacuation of civilians to get them out of harm's way. That is their responsibility under international law, instead of criticizing Israel for doing everything it can, more than any army in the history of warfare, by the way, to keep the other side civilians safe from the consequences of their own leaders'reckless endangerment of them.

Have you ever wondered how a Hamas operative earns a living? Download YouTube 2023-11-23 (#150) < Previous Next > When you support and donate to Hamas, find out how and where your money is being used. Video Transcription: Coming soon

Are your kids protected? Download YouTube 2023-10-22 (#025) < Previous Next > Who bombed Al Ahli Hospital? Al Jazeerah TV shows that Islamic Jihad tried to shoot a rocket towards Haifa, but it failed and the rocket fell on the hospital. Footage of the explosion they tried to blame on Israel right in front of your eyes! Video Transcription: Coming soon

Pro-Palestinians in Chicago try to grasp the meaning behind their chants. Download YouTube 2023-11-23 (#151) < Previous Next > At a pro-Palestinian rally in Chicago, there were calls for Intifada as the only solution. When asked, the protesters couldn't explain, had no idea what it means. Freedom? Life? Maybe the solution is education? Video Transcription: Coming soon

This Muslim Israeli Woman Is the Future of the Middle East Download YouTube 2024-02-20 (300) < Previous Next > Lucy Aharish is one of the most prominent television broadcasters in Israel. But that’s not the thing that makes her exceptional. The thing that makes Lucy stand out is that she is the first Arab Muslim news presenter on mainstream, Hebrew-language Israeli television. Born and raised in a small Jewish town in Israel’s Negev desert as one of the only Arab Muslim families there, Lucy often says that she sees herself as sitting on a fence. By that she doesn’t mean she’s unwilling to take a side—as you’ll see, she is a woman of strong convictions, bravery, and moral backbone. What she means is that she has a unique lens through which to view the divisions in Israeli society, the complexity of the country’s national identity, and the Middle East more generally. That complexity was on display in 2018 when Lucy’s marriage to a Jewish Israeli actor (Tsahi Halevi of Fauda fame) sparked a nasty backlash from the country’s religious far-right. Lucy has long been a vocal critic of those peripheral far-right voices—the ones who are inclined to oppose her marriage. She’s also long been critical of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. But she is equally critical of her fellow Arab Israelis, particularly of Arab violence and of the Arab leadership that she says condones it. An Arab. A proud Israeli. A Muslim married to a Jew. In short, Lucy Aharish is an iconoclast. I sat down with Lucy recently in Tel Aviv. We talked about the October 7 massacre and its impact on the country and her family—her husband put on his uniform and headed to the south within hours of Hamas’s invasion of the country. Left alone with her son, she contemplated “hiding him in the washing machine,” should terrorists arrive at her doorstep. Lucy also talked about the challenges she faced growing up as the only Arab Muslim kid in a traditional Jewish village, and how she was bullied for that but doesn’t view herself as a victim. We talked about the terrorist attack that she survived in Gaza as a child, which makes October 7 all the more personal to her. We discussed why she believes that Israelis and Arabs share the same destiny, the hope that she has for her Muslim-Jewish son, and the future of the country she loves—and calls home. I’ve been very lucky in my career: I’ve done many interviews that have stayed with me. But this might be the most moving of all. By Bari Weiss February 12, 2024 @thefreepress Video Transcription: When I came and started working on Channel Ten, 15 years ago, one of the anchors there told me, “Wow, Lucy, you are Arab, you are Muslim, you are a woman, you are coming from the periphery of Israel. It’s like all the ‘don’t do’ in one person. It’s like the only thing that is left is that you will be a lesbian. And that’s it. It’s like you will break every glass ceiling.” Lucy Aharish is one of the most prominent television broadcasters in Israel. Then again, it’s Israel. It’s a small country and there aren’t a ton of famous broadcasters. The thing that makes Lucy stand out is that she is the first Arab Muslim news presenter on mainstream Hebrew-language Israeli television. Born and raised in a small Jewish town in Israel’s Negev Desert as one of the only Arab Muslim families. Lucy often says that she sees herself as sitting on a fence. By that, she doesn’t mean that she’s unwilling to take a side. As you’ll see, she is a woman of strong convictions and moral backbone. What she means is that she has a unique vantage point through which to view the divisions in Israeli society, the complexity of the country’s national identity, and the Middle East more generally. That complexity was put on display in 2018 when Lucy’s marriage to Jewish Israeli actor and “Fauda” star Tsahi Halevi sparked tremendous backlash from the country’s religious far-right. Lucy’s long been a vocal critic of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. In 2020, immediately following her participation in an online rally protesting Bibi’s handling of the coronavirus pandemic, state-run broadcaster KAN fired Lucy from her role. The network chalked up her firing to pandemic-related cutbacks. Lucy’s also been equally critical of her fellow Israeli Arabs, particularly of Arab violence and of Arab leadership that she says condones it. A Muslim and a Zionist; an Arab and an Israeli. In short, Lucy Aharish is an iconoclast. I sat down recently with Lucy in Tel Aviv. We talked about the massacre of October 7 and its impact on the country and on her family. Her husband put on his uniform and headed to the south within hours of hearing the news. We also talked about the challenges she faced growing up as the only Muslim Arab kid in a traditional Jewish village. We talked about the terrorist attack that she survived in Gaza, and about the hope that she has for her Muslim-Jewish son and the future of the country that she calls home. You’re Arab Israeli. Many people would probably think of that as an oxymoron. They’ve never sat where we’re sitting right now. But in that, you represent 20 percent of the Israeli population as Israeli Arab. I don’t know if I represent like 20 percent because a lot of people will tell you, well, she doesn’t represent us. And you’re—they say you’re— You know, I don’t pretend to represent anyone. I represent myself because I have a unique story. I didn’t live—I haven’t lived in an Arab town or an Arab village. Basically, my parents moved to Dimona, which is a very small town in the south of Israel. So basically, I lived in a Jewish town, you can say a semi-traditional Jewish town. And when you say “traditional,” for an American listener, viewer, what does that mean, traditional? It means that it’s small. It’s in the periphery of Israel. It’s more, let’s say “masorti,” we say in Hebrew, which is half religious, half secular, it’s more right-wing. I’ve lived above the Likud Center in Dimona, so you’re talking about oxymoron. And yeah, it’s been quite a ride. Like to to grow up as the only Arab family living in Dimona, being the only Arab student in school and a Muslim student in the nineties where Israel knew the worst terror attacks in its history before October 7. And it wasn’t easy. But it is my home, like Dimona will always be my home. My parents are still living there. And I grew up in a Jewish traditional atmosphere. I celebrated Jewish holidays next to my Arab Muslim holidays, being Israeli, Jewish, Arab, like Jewish, you know, living in a Jewish culture or education was like—it’s something that was totally connected to my life. I didn’t choose it. It’s like my parents, my parents’ decision. But for me, I’m, you know, not only honored, but I got a gift. And the gift was the fact that I lived with Jewish people all my life. And yes, I experienced racism and yes, I was bullied in school, especially after terror attacks. But most of the times it was, for me, it’s the best time of my life because it’s my home. And as you know, every child is going through some tough times. So you have the fat child and you have the child with the glasses and you have the kid with, you know, braces on his teeth. And I was the Arab Muslim girl. And what were the kind of—I mean, you’ve said it wasn’t easy. You’ve said before that terrible things were said to you. Give us a sense of, you know, the kind of things that were said. And then when you would go back and presumably tell your parents about it, how would they respond? I remember that—I think that the most difficult times were after a terror attack. The morning of a terror attack was like the mornings that I didn’t want to go to school. And I remember every morning saying to my parents, “I don’t want to go to school,” because I knew what I’m going to go through that day. And, you know, the day after a terror attack, you usually are not only sad, but you’re angry. You have a lot of feelings of revenge. And you need revenge because you cannot understand or digest or accept the fact that there is someone who is putting, you know, going on a bus and exploding himself in front of innocent people and killing innocent people, men, women, children. You cannot digest it. You cannot accept it, not even in the name of occupation. So I remember every morning—it was almost twice a week, I think, once a week back then. And I remember that mornings where I told my mom and dad, “I don’t want to go to school.” And my mom and dad would tell me, my dad will take me in the car and put me in front of the, in front of the school gate. And he would tell me, “You will get out right now from the car and you will face your friends and you will face reality. Because if you won’t be able to face reality now, you won’t be able to face it in the future.” And I would get in. Well, what’d they say? Would they say that you’re a terrorist? They will see me and then I will see all my friends like, you know, saying “death to Arabs. We need to kill all the Palestinians. Filthy Arabs.” And then they will look at me and they will tell me, “Well, Lucy, we don’t mean you. You know, you and your family are okay. But the rest of the Palestinians, the Arabs, we need to kill them. We need to murder them all.” And I can understand that. But like—I tried to understand that, but I was bullied and I would get back to school, like, get back from school and get back home. And I would cry my eyes out and my father will tell me “If I will ever, ever hear you say to somebody who called you ‘filthy Arab’ or ‘filthy Muslim’ that you called him ‘filthy Jew,’ I never in my life like, raised my hand and hit you. But I will do that if I will hear you saying to someone, ‘filthy Jew.’ You will never go down to this level because you’re better than them.” Lucy, we live in a—Israel’s a very different context from the States. But in the States, you could say we live in a culture of grievances, where people sort of hoard their victimhood. You have said many times in many interviews that you don’t think of yourself as a victim. No, I’m not. Most people would hear these stories and be like, “this is the ultimate victim. Listen to what she’s describing.” Why don’t you think of yourself that way? Because I’m not a victim and I’m not willing to be a victim of racism. I am not a victim of a racist government. I’m not a victim of—at a certain time, a certain time when the prime minister is going and saying on elections in 2015 that the Arabs are going on buses to vote and this is a danger to the rule of the right, this is a danger to Israel. Me being a citizen of the state of Israel, I am not, you know, a visitor in the state of Israel. I’m a citizen of the state of Israel. The state of Israel at 1948 decided that it’s giving citizenship to the 150,000 Arabs that were living here. Once you decided that you’re giving me the citizenship of this state, you need to treat me like anyone else. I’m not your slave. You’re not doing me a favor. It’s not that—it’s so complicated, what is happening here, because the Palestinian—Israeli-Palestinian conflict is directly affecting the Israeli-Arab relationship. Well, it’s strengthening it. I mean, there was a poll before the war asking Israeli Arabs if they felt a part of Israel. I think 48 percent said yes. And then postwar, same poll, something like 75, 77 percent, think that’s representative. I think that it’s representative because for the first time, October 7 proved that we share the same destiny here. Arabs and Jews are living in Israel. Citizens of the state of Israel share the same destiny, and you had the living proof for it. A living proof provided by Hamas terrorists when they got in and they filmed themselves killing and murdering and raping and burning innocent people, that they caught a guy from Jerusalem, East Jerusalem, he’s telling them, “I’m from Jerusalem, I’m from East Jerusalem,” and they told him, “Oh, you’re cooperating, cooperating with Israel,” and they killed him. They just shot him to death. So it’s got nothing to do with, you know, if I will say, [speaking Arabic] they will save me. No. They will spare my life. No, it doesn’t work like that. Growing up as little Lucy in Dimona, the only Arab in your class, did you have any sense of what you wanted to be when you grew up? An actress. Okay, so you got the next best thing, I guess, which is being a television journalist. You know, a journalist. I knew that I have a totally different story. I knew that I’m living in Dimona. I’m a Muslim from a Muslim family. I went through a terror attack in the First Intifada when I was five and a half years old, in the Gaza Strip on a Saturday morning. Tell me about that, because right now, the idea of an Israeli citizen going anywhere near Gaza—well, obviously right now, but since 2005, would have been unthinkable. Back then, it was a totally different situation. It was a totally different situation. We used to go to the Gaza Strip to, you know, to do some shopping there, like, you know, buy groceries and shop and eat fish on the beach. It was like—there were a lot of Israelis getting into the Gaza Strip. And I remember it was a Saturday morning and my uncle and his wife came to visit us with their two children. They came to visit us and my uncle said to my dad, “What do you think? Let’s take a trip to the Gaza Strip.” And my father told him “Listen.” And I understand it was 1987. It was the beginning of the Intifada, the First Intifada, really the beginning. And my father told him, “Well, I understood that the security situation is not that good. Let’s postpone it.” And to make a long story short, we decided that we’re hitting the road. It was me, my mom, my dad, my uncle, his wife, and one of his children. I always say that a lot of people in one car—have this tendency, Arabs, to squeeze into cars. It’s like another one is coming out of the car like grandmas in a bogash. And you know the word “karma,” where, like, everything shows you that you are not supposed to be in that place that day. So we went to the grocery shop and the grocery shop was closed, and then we went to the beach and the guy that sold my mom fish was sick that day. And then we took a trip to Nasser Street where there was a shop there, Un Bambino. It was a clothes shop for children, clothes and like some perfumes and stuff. And we just parked the car and the owner of the shop was just about to leave and to close shop, and my father’s telling him, “What’s going on? Everything is closed. Nobody’s on the streets.” And he told my father, “Well, you know, security situation lately is not that good. And the young people here are talking about Intifada. But you know what? You made it all the way from Dimona. I will open the shop for you.” And I remember every time that I got there, I would ask my mom for one thing. I would ask my mom, “Mom, I want red nail polish.” And she’d tell me—ed, yes. And she will tell me no, because it’s like, in Arabic, it’s not respectful to put a red nail polish for a small child, small girl. And I’d try my—and I try my luck again. And I asked her again, “Mom, can I have red nail polish?” And without even thinking, she told me, “You know, and just take it.” So I grabbed it and put it in a small brown bag, and I went outside so my mom won’t change her mind. They went back to the car and we sat down. And just when we were about to leave, the owner of the shop, just got close and said to my dad, “Just do me a favor. Until you’re leaving Gaza, just make sure that your windows are closed.” And my dad’s looking and told him, “What are you talking about?” What he told my dad is like, we are really “white.” Like, Dad is blond. That is the word he used? Yeah, no, no, no, he told him, “You look Jewish.” Like, he told him because my father is blond with blue eyes. My uncle also is with green eyes. His wife is with blue eyes. So we didn’t look like typical Arabs. So my father—“Well, what do you?—“Well, put the Quran, put a newspaper in Arabic on the dashboard so people will know that you are an Arab. And my father told him, “What?” “No. You need to understand. You have a yellow license plate. People might confuse you with being Jewish.” And my father, I looked at him and he told him, “Tawakalt Ala Allah.” Leave it to God. And we hit the road and we just were, I think it was in, in one of the main streets there, Salaheddin, if I’m not mistaken. And we really hit traffic. So the cars stopped. And it was a hot, like, Saturday morning, so my father opened the window. And everybody was, you know, laughing and joking in the car. And I was sitting right next to the window, and I started looking outside and I saw this figure coming towards the car. He was really tall. He was thin. He had some scars on his face. He had a necklace on his neck and written on it a law: God. And something about him just fascinated me and I couldn’t take my eyes off him. You’re five years old. Yeah, five and a half years old, was just before I went to, like, the first grade. I remember watching him, but I saw something in his hand, so I was, like, a little bit scared. So I started, like, scrolling down my seat and I was looking like that. And I was watching him getting closer and closer to the car. And my mom is watching me going like that. And she told me, “Lucy, sit straight.” And I didn’t even look at her. I just continued watching outside the window, looking at him getting closer and closer to the car. And my mom again: “Lucy, sit straight.” And the third time that my mom—it got—he like, really, really was next to the car. He looked me straight in the eyes. And the third time that my mom said “Lucy,” there was a huge explosion in the car. The next thing that I remember was my face hitting the ground. I was trying to lift myself up. I looked at one side. I saw my mom crying. I looked at the other side. I saw my uncle’s wife screaming to death. And I looked up and I saw my cousin going into flames. And my father’s trying to put down the fire. And at that moment I said to myself, Where is my red nail polish? I was trying to disconnect myself, from this, from everything that I saw, from the screaming of my father, “Help us. We are Arabs like you. Help us.” Nobody reached out. Nobody helped us. Everybody were watching it like it’s a really bad action movie. I think it was after 20 minutes that there was like some army forces got in and took us out. My cousin went through a lot of—a lot of surgeries and me, for me, for a long time, I hated Palestinians. And I said it out loud. I hate Palestinians. You need to kill them. You need to murder them all. And I remember at a certain point, my extended family heard me saying it, and they said to my dad, “Well, she hates us. She hates herself. She hates who she is. She hates who we are.” And my father, my very, very clever, wise dad told them, “Well, she will grow up. She will understand that life is a little bit more complicated than she thinks.” And he was right. He was right. Life were much more complicated. And it’s not black and white. This is why it was important for me on October 7 to speak out, because it was personal. And I saw the evil in the terrorist’s eyes. I saw him looking directly into my eyes before even—like when he saw a five-year-old and a three-year-old, and he saw a pair of parents sitting in a car, and he knew that he’s going to burn them alive. He knew, and he did it without even thinking. So this evil that we saw on October 7, it’s not something new. It’s not, you know, just what happened on October 7. No, it was there. Now, there are a lot of things that got in throughout the years. But it was there. You first came on my radar when you became the first Arab-Israeli Muslim broadcaster in the country. And I was like, that’s cool. It’s like, who is that woman? That’s really interesting. And then you sort of exploded, at least in certain circles in the U.S. when you got married to—well, why don’t you tell me exactly? Tsahi Halevi. Yeah. Yeah. Tell me about that marriage and tell me about why that caused such a stir in this country and maybe the distinction between the public response to it and the response of your family, which I’m curious about too. Wow. The response of my family. Well, we were really, really worried about the response of our families. It wasn’t only my family; it was our families. Tsahi is also divorced with a—he was like a teenager back then. Now he is 20 years old. And we were worried about, you know—we know where we live. It’s not that common that there is an Arab Muslim woman marrying a Jewish guy. And when they are both very well-known, it’s a high-profile relationship. So for a long time, we decided that we were keeping it secret. It was secret for around four and a half years. It’s an odd thing to have a closeted straight relationship in the mid-2010. And I will tell you that first of all, you know, it’s a small country. So to keep it like a small country, small, you know, small media, and yet we were able to save it like for four and a half years. I remember that when we got married, it was like—the media knew. All the journalists knew. And we always got phone calls saying, “We know about your relationship. So we’re here.” And I tried to explain to them, to tell them, “Listen, this is not a normal relationship. There is a teenager in the midst of it. Our families, they don’t know.” It’s like—it was a secret. It was a huge blast in Israel because it was a secret until the day of the wedding. Like, my—I said to Tsahi, I said, “Well, do you want to say something?” And like maybe a week before or two weeks, I don’t know. You know, we are going like—it’s going for an explosion. At least let me control the explosion. I know that it’s going to explode, but at least when it will explode, I want it to be a very clear fact. We are married. It’s not that we will get married in one month or two weeks, and then I will have to answer a million questions about the relationship and to have discussions on TV and radio whether this is—there should be this relationship is a suitable relationship for politicians or people living in Israel. No, I want when I—when we will announce our marriage. It will be a fact. A fact in the face of all the people who have something to say about this marriage. What did people say? What they did—. Just to be clear, we’re talking about a Jewish Israeli actor who’s in the show Fauda Yeah. Yes. And he was an ex-military officer in an elite unit, undercover elite unit. So like actually Fauda. Yeah. And his father was a veteran of the Mossad. So it was like I felt like, you know, if you would have asked me like 20 years, you will marry a Jewish man who is an undercover officer in an elite unit, and his father is working in the Mossad, I will tell you [scoffs] it’s just like, really, this is a non-realistic movie and yet this is my reality. But you know, all these titles that people are giving, he’s like this and he’s like that, and his father’s like this. I fell in love with [speaking arabic]. I fell in love with a man. I’m always saying that if I was right now living in the United States, I would be a nonissue. Really. I would be a persona that is really not interesting. A regular, totally regular story. And it was funny for me that people—like it opened the Knesset the morning after, like the Knesset meeting, the parliament meeting, the day after. About your marriage. Yes. It’s like an issue of national security. Yeah. I was surprised. Like Knesset members reacted, like said that it’s a problem that this assimilation and what they are, what is the example that they’re giving people? One of the Knesset members even posted on Facebook that Tsahi took Fauda one step too forward and he needs to think, to rethink his actions and go back to the Jewish people. You’ve been in the papers a lot recently, including a big profile in a major Israeli paper for, well, frankly, for echoes of what you experienced as a child, you could argue. Tell us about what happened. I was invited to speak out last May in Megiddo. What’s Megiddo? Megiddo is a, like, small area in the center-north of Israel. In Shavuot, the eve of Shavuot. It’s a big holiday where Jews tend to study all night long. Exactly. Getting the Torah. Yeah. They maybe bring in lots of speakers. So they brought me as a speaker, not to speak Torah. I feel like— You know, to speak about my life. I wasn’t like playing it as a rabbi, coming to speak to the Jewish people and give a message to the Jewish people. I came and gave a lecture about my life. I spoke about my life, about the mutual life that I have, the coexistence that I’m living. That’s it. It was an amazing evening. We really was—we all, like, felt connected and really it was an emotional evening. I got the money they paid me and that’s it. Two weeks before, like two weeks ago, I just step out of the bathroom from the shower, and I look at my phone and I have, like, these tons of messages telling me, like, sending me an article in the whole not telling me—sorry for my language— “What is this shit? What is this?” Apparently, the Education Ministry of Israel prevented the money from Megiddo, decided not to pay Megiddo because they brought me, a woman who symbolizes assimilation, who represents assimilation, cannot speak about Jewish culture. So you cannot bring her to speak about a Jewish culture in the eve of Shavuot. And this is why we’re not giving you the money. This letter came out from the Ministry of Education of the official state of Israel, which means that the official state of Israel is basically looking at me and telling me I’m racist and I’m not ashamed of it. You know, back then, some people—people were a little bit ashamed with their racism. Now? No shame whatsoever. So Lucy, there are people, as you know, all over the world who look at Israel and say it is a racist, colonialist, apartheid state. It is no better than the Jim Crow South in America before the civil rights movement. And the kind of thing that just happened to you is proof of that. What do you say to that? Look at your countries. Look at what is happening in your countries right now. What I’m going through right now is pure racism, definitely. Apartheid? No. Look at me. It cannot work. I’m not like—I’m a presenter on a mainstream TV channel in Israel. It’s like—no. My sister is working in one of the big banks in, one of the major banks in Israel. My other sister is a VP, is the general manager of a big hotel in Eilat. This is not an apartheid country. Yes, but there is a lot of racism towards Arabs, like every country is dealing with racism, and racism should be fought. I should fight it, and I’m going to fight it. My child won’t study in the Education Ministry of the state of Israel when this education ministry is basically telling him, you don’t have a place here, and we’re telling you this. It won’t happen. And if I need to sue the Ministry of Education of Israel, I will do it. You’re gonna do that? Yes. Yes. Because for me, this is the red line. You could also look at what just happened to you and say encapsulated in that story is the fundamental tension of the identity of the state itself. It is a Jewish state and it is a democratic state, and many people look at that as a paradox at best. Other people look at that and say, those things are on a collision course and they can never be reconciled. What’s your view of it? And I will tell you something like that. This country has to be Jewish and democratic. Why? Because the Jewish people have no other option than to be democratic because of their history, because they were persecuted, because they went through the Holocaust, because six million of them were murdered because they were Jewish, because all the persecution, because of antisemitism. As a Jewish man or woman, you cannot allow yourself to be something else than Democratic. So for me, this state, it’s a natural thing that it will be Jewish and democratic. And if there are some certain parts or extremists in Israel that use democracy, use the Israeli democracy to hurt the Israeli democracy and to make it some kind of a messianic I don’t know what, I’m going to find them. If you want to call me the gatekeeper of the Israeli democracy and the Jewish people, I have no problem with that. I’m the gatekeeper. I’m going to be the person that is going to remind a lot of Jewish people and the Jewish people that it was not such a long ago that the state of Israel didn’t exist and the Jewish people almost didn’t exist. This state is a miracle on every parameter. It’s a miracle. Seventy-five years. That’s it. There are some grandparents that are older than this country. So being a democracy, you know, it’s like—it’s baby steps. We are in our baby steps, like this country is just starting to walk. Where were you on the morning of the day that changed everything about this country and maybe the world. I was at home sleeping in my bed. Tel Aviv is 10 minutes away from here. I heard the sirens at 6:30 in the morning. I, like, called Tsahi and I told him there are sirens. He told me you’re not. . . you’re dreaming. I told him no, not dreaming, there are sirens. We grabbed Adam, our son, and we went to the safe room. And I started looking at my phone to understand what is happening. Because, you know, we have these WhatsApp group—WhatsApp groups in our channel. So I started looking for something like—throughout the night, maybe something happened, maybe, so, I don’t know, we attacked Gaza, I don’t know. I’m just—and nothing. Everybody in this group were asking, “What is happening? What, what is happening? What is happening? What is happening? We hear sirens, we hear si—” And you’re one of the most prominent news stations in the country. Yes. And no one, no one understood what is happening. And then one of our journalists is sending us this image of terrorists in the Toyota— In the white pickup truck. Yeah, white pickup truck with guns. And he’s saying there is an infiltration in one of the cities in the south of Israel. That’s one of the earliest images. Was this like this pickup truck? Yeah. Six guys in Sderot. Yeah. And that seemed like the craziest thing, that— It was crazy. It’s like one of the things that you say just—how did they get there? What? What? And then you see this image and you say, okay, in like, you know, 10 minutes, it’s, it’s going to happen. But the army will be there, the police will be there. It’s going to be like, you know, this—the fucking state of Israel. And then more horror images start to come in, horror images of Israeli soldiers being dragged into—bodies being dragged into the Gaza Strip, spat on, really be—like people are attacking the bodies of these soldiers. And I was like—I watched these images because everything is on social media. I remember that I said to Tsahi, “Oh my God, his mom is watching.” That was the first sentence that came out of my mouth and I started crying. “Oh my God, his mom is watching this. She doesn’t know she’s, she’s watching, watching her child being murdered in front of her eyes.” And as I was saying the sentence Tsahi got in and when he went out, he was on his uniform. And he—as you’re watching this, he went to the bedroom, he put on his uniform, and he came out. Yeah. And he’s like standing on, like, the balcony’s door. And I told him, “Where do you think you’re going?” He told me, “I have to go out. This is not a drill.” I’m alone here. What am I supposed to do? He told me, “Close the door, get into the safe room, and every time that you will hear a siren, just do whatever you need to do. I need to go out.” What time of day was it when he put on his uniform and left? It was around 8:30, 9. So really early. Yeah, it was the first hour. Had he been called up? No. So when he said “I need to go,” what did he even mean? He’s going to serve his country. He’s going to save his family, to save this country, to save everything that he believes in. You know, you—I don’t really think that people understand what happened here on October 7. I don’t think that even we as Israelis understand what happened here on October 7. We just started, I just—I told you at the beginning you came here at a good time because the picture starts being clear and it’s a horrible picture. We—on October 7, we need to say the truth. We lost. We lost for hours and hours. People were burned and raped and murdered in their houses, in the safe—in their safest place in the haven of the Jewish people in their own country. And people waited for somebody to come and rescue them, and nobody came. And they waited and they sent text messages and they sent us—journalists—help us, direct somebody to us. We—like, there are terrorists outside our houses. Nothing. I think that the feeling that we feel in Israel, especially after October 7, is—a lot of us feel—is that that day we were orphans. You know, I always say that my country is like my parents. I love my country like I love my parents. I will do anything for my parents. I will walk the seven seas. I will walk fires. But I don’t always agree with my parents. And I say to myself, well, I will—this I will deal with a little bit differently than how my parents did with me. But it doesn’t mean that I don’t love my parents. And on October 7, we felt that we don’t have a mother, a father, that will take care of us. You know the feeling that you walk in your apartment and you say to yourself, if a terrorist will get into this building, where do I hide my child? It was like thinking, a thought that I never, ever in my life thought that I will have. Do I put him in the washing machine? Do I put him like, like, in some kind of a closet? Who the hell in the world is thinking that? Where he should hide his child? Someone think like—thinks like that in New York or Washington or San Francisco or London. In those early days, did you feel like this could be the end of the state of Israel? Yeah. You did? Yeah. I’m still afraid. I’m still afraid of politicians doing politics and thinking only about their political small interests than the big interests of the state of Israel. So when some people are saying they’re afraid, they’re thinking of not just the war with Hamas, but another front opening in the north. Of course. They’re thinking about Iran. Is that a piece of the picture for you, too? Of course. Of course. We have—Ehud Barak said once about Israel that it’s a villa in the jungle. I remember that, and it was enormously controversial when he said it. It is. Whether we like it or not, it is. Look what is happening in the Middle East. Look what is happening. Like, you know, I covered the Syrian refugee crisis. I was twice in Greece. Once I did a documentary on the Syrian refugee crisis. And the second time I went and volunteered for ten days in a school that was built by Israelis for the refugees. I heard their horrible stories. I saw the children, you know, coming. And I was like cutting an apple and I—whatever was left from it, I close it to the gar—I dropped it into the garbage, and I saw children coming to the garbage and taking it from there. And I remember going back home and I said to myself, this can’t happen in 2020. How come this is happening in 2018 or 2017? I don’t understand it. It’s like the world is so, you know—it’s 2017, in the name of God. It’s 2018, in the name of God. It’s—how come people just—their lives changed like that? How do you explain—I mean, right now there’s, I don’t know if you’d call it a jihad or what, but a total decimation of Christians in Nigeria by Islamists. If you look at what’s happening in Syria, you look all over the world and it’s people like the guy that stared at you from the window when you were five years old or the people that carried out October 7, terrorizing people, including Christians, Jews, other Muslims all over the world. And there are lots of people who look at that and say what Israel’s fighting, fundamentally, is not a war with Hamas, it is a fundamental war between Western civilization and Islam. And what do you say to that, because you are Muslim? You know, I see what these fundamentalists are doing in the name of Islam. I see what they’re doing in the name of religion, in every religion. You—I think Christianity or Judaism or Islam. If you want to do something extreme, you will find the right excuse for it. I think that we are giving up on education. We gave up on education. When I see people in the United States like this, like young people, the young generation going to elite universities saying, “from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free.” They’ve never been to Palestine, they’ve never been to Israel. They don’t understand what a Palestinian is feeling. By the way, the United Emirates, you know, Dubai, all these by countries, they understood the danger of this fundamental Islamist movement and they fight it. Ask yourself why Abdel Fattah el-Sisi doesn’t want anything to do with the Palestinian. He wants to be the, you know, moderate. “I’m willing to have—but I don’t want this problem in my country, no, no.” Why Jordan has, like, you know, a love and hate feeling with the Palestinians. Why? They don’t want this problem. Let’s explain the problem, though. Because, you know, pre–October 7, even after the Intifada, even after all the rockets on Sderot, even after after after all of these things—broadly on the Israeli left, and certainly in the United States on the left, there was a consensus view. And that consensus view was there’s two people, and the conflict is fundamentally about splitting up the land. It seems to me that that is fundamentally shifted, that idea. Because what happened on October 7 got nothing to do with the occupation. Because when you hear right now Khaled Meshaal— Being one of the heads of Hamas. Hamas. Yes. One of the heads of Hamas—being interviewed in a podcast—I’m going to say it again. Khaled Meshaal was interviewed two weeks ago in a podcast. Okay? He was like sitting in one of the, you know, prestigious hotels doing a podcast while his people are starving or, you know, going through Israeli attacks in the Gaza Strip. And he’s being interviewed for a podcast and saying in that podcast, “We’re not talking about two-state solution. No, no, no. There’s only one state from the river to the sea, which means we’re eliminating the state of Israel.” So when Hamas is asking to stop the war, it’s very funny. You are declaring deep to a race. You’re saying that state of Israel, like you’re not going to just be okay with the Gaza Strip or the Palestinian territories. You’re saying that you are going to be okay with all Israel. So when you’re asking to stop the war in the same sentence, it’s a little bit funny. And at the same time, another leader of Hamas is basically laughing in the face of the international community. They’re looking at these young people marching on the streets, shouting in the name of a terror organization, and they’re laughing. So when you teach people, when you educate people to speak in a soundbite and not give—and not read, you know—I remember the guy that I fell on his, like, the day of the terror attack. There was a very old man that I fell next to him. When I fell on the ground, my face hit the ground. There was a guy that sold a small like—shoes, and he looked at everything that happened and he told them, “Yeah, well, come on.” Where will you escape from God? These are innocent people. Where will you escape from God? I think that these fundamentalists, these extremists don’t want us to ask the right questions, don’t want us to question things that are said, that are done. It’s easier to have a villain in—you know, in religion, everything is very clear. The—the good guy, the bad guy. We are the last ones. No. You said earlier to me that on October 7 Israel lost the war, but of course, the war, you know, to fight Hamas hadn’t really begun on October 7. It would take a few weeks. And now we’re almost four months into that war. Do you think it’s possible for Israel to—there’s a paradox, right? On the one hand, Israel must win the war because a democratic country cannot live with a terrorist group at its border promising to do it again and again and again. On the other hand, other people say you can’t defeat an idea, and this is an idea. So can Israel win the war? Like you said, Israel has to win. It doesn’t have another chance. It doesn’t have any other choice. And I chose the war: chance and choice. We have to win this war. You know that the reaction is going to be harsh and brutal, and you want the reaction to be harsh and brutal. Why? Because they want to kill our sense of humanity. I was angry and frustrated about this terror organization because they took from me the ability to look at the other side with compassion. At the beginning of these days, they killed compassion. The sense of compassion in me. They murdered the sense of compassion in me, of humanity, me not being able to look at someone else and say, okay, I need to look at this, too. I didn’t want to look. I didn’t want to see. I’m not interested to see. And this is what Hamas wanted to do. And he was able to do it. A lot of Israelis, and you know what? On a certain level, they are right. They don’t want to even listen about the misery of the people in the Gaza Strip. They don’t want to, to have compassion towards the people of the Gaza Strip because they say to themselves, “they didn’t have any compassion when they came and burned us alive. Why should we have compassion to them?” And I understand that. But then I say to myself, we lost that day and they want us to lose this war. I’m not willing to give them this, the benefit of them looking and seeing that we lost our humanity. We are not Hamas. Israel is not Hamas. And this is why in the last few days, in the last few weeks, I started watching what is happening in the Gaza Strip. It’s horrible. It’s not easy seeing the images coming out from the Gaza Strip. And I feel sorry and painful for babies, for children, for men and women who are being killed in this war. No one should experience this. No one in this world should experience not what we experienced and what the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip are experiencing. The next generation of the people living in the Gaza Strip in 20 years, if we want them, if we want to start looking for forgiveness between Israelis and Palestinians, we need also to be part of the solution. We cannot just say it’s not our problem. These are our neighbors. We don’t have any other neighbors. You know, if somebody is sitting in Israel and thinking that one day, 3 million Palestinians from, you know, the West Bank, 1 million in the West Bank and 2 million in the Gaza Strip will just disappear, you’re living in a really, really, really bad conception. And Israel—I’m announcing as an Israeli, Muslim, Arab woman, is not going to disappear anywhere, nor the Jewish people. The Jewish state is here to stay. Now we need to be part of a solution. And to just look at the geopolitical situation, we have a great opportunity. Everybody has political interests. Everybody has interest in the Middle East. You know, we have peace agreements with Jordan. You have peace agreement with Egypt. We have the Abraham Accords. And Saudi Arabia is winking and telling us. . . . So we need to be really,really, really, you know, blind not to see the great opportunity where a lot of political interests come together for Israel and for the Palestinian people. We just need to open our eyes. Before we left the interview, we asked Lucy about her parents. We wanted to know a little bit more about what they think of her work, her life, and what she’s become. They’re really proud. They—they’re amazing, really. They sound unbelievable. I cannot be grateful enough for them, and, you know, them accepting Tsahi as they are—the day that Tsahi, on October 7, when my mom knew that he’s going to the battlefield and he’s going—she cried her eyes out. He’s like her son. It’s got nothing to do with the fact that she’s Muslim or he’s Jewish or we have a child. His name is Adam. We have, you know, I don’t want to put this, like, burden on him, but he’s the future. He’s our future. Like Adam is Adam. He’s a, you know, an empty paper. White. He’s a human being. So nobody’s going to judge him and nobody’s going—he’s the future. He’s this and that. He’s Muslim and he’s Jewish. And for me, this is my—everything that I’m doing in my life right now is for him. I want him to have a better future. I want him to be in a country where he can be proud to be Jewish and to be Muslim. And I am not willing to just sit aside while some people are trying to push him and tell him “you’re not part of this country.” His father is patriotic. As a 48-year-old man that is not supposed to do reserves is. And he is—he’s a human being. And I will fight for his right to be who he is without being judged. This is my fight. I can’t thank you enough for giving— Thanks you. I know how busy you are. Yes. So grateful. Now you have to go and vote. Thank you so much. Thank you so much.

The family story of Amichai - hostages held by Hamas Download YouTube 2023-10-26 (#048) < Previous Next > Avichai Brodutsch's wife and 3 children are being held hostage in Gaza. Avichai asks the international community to help bring them home Video Transcription: Coming soon

Who is behind the Pro Palestinians protest in America? Download YouTube 2023-11-11 (#110) < Previous Next > Who is behind the pro-Palestinian rallies across the U.S.? Inestigative journalist Asran Nomani she says that there is a multi-million orchestrated campaign of Muslim organizations behind the protests. Those organizations have embedded themselves in the West and are directly linked with the Party for Socialism and Liberation and the Workers' World Organization, which are far left parties. These parties which are against America, the West and Israel are backed by a multi-million dollar network of organizations with an ideology that has infiltrated the schools and created an upside down world where the victims of the October 7th massacre are depicted as the aggressors. Video Transcription: Pro Palestinian rallies popping up on the streets and on college campuses across the US. Who's behind them? NTD's Cindy Dru Kier spoke with an expert on Islamic terrorism, Asran Omani, to take a deep dive. Investigative journalist and author Asran Nomani tells NTD that behind the pro Palestinian protest in America is a multi million dollar orchestrated campaign. Muslim organizations that have now embedded themselves in the west, and they are the ones unleashing these protesters against Israel and Jews onto the streets and into the campuses. What we have is a multimillion dollar orchestrated campaign. And I'm speaking to you from the trenches of those efforts. In the streets. Nomani shows NTD posters she picked up following a pro Palestinian rally last Saturday. And you get the signs from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free. But what was the chant that they said in Arabic? Philistine Al Arabia, which means Palestine is Arab from the river to the sea. So they have code. And who organized this one? The Islamist groups. U. S. Palestinian Community Network. One of the many Islamist groups that believe in political Islam. And who have they aligned with? Them. This is what's so critical. You have to see the fine print as you know, as a journalist stand with Palestine and the occupation. Right? They use these big words. Who is it that sponsored this? The Party for Socialism and Liberation. Socialism and Liberation. That's the far left. And who are they? Multimillion dollar global networks that are trying to infuse the socialist far left agenda into our nation. They are aligned. Then look at this one. We're going to break the fourth wall here. Workers World Party. The far left communist Organization. Nomani calls the protesters a woke army against America, the West and Israel, unleashed by a multi million dollar network of organizations. This ideology that has infused our schools. And what they have done is they are using the talking points of the oppression matrix, the privileged bingo. That our poor children have had to experience in our school systems, so that now it's an upside down world in which Jews are the occupiers, the colonists and the aggressors, and there is no mention of them as victims as happened in the October 7. You can watch the full interview with Nomani on NTD's International National Reporters Roundtable, a deep dive into global news with a panel of dedicated journalists and experts from around the world on Saturday at 07:00 p.m. Eastern time.